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As the chapter titles of this book show, our interest is in the history of the spread of English, the ideology that promulgated that spread, the structure of the manifold Englishes of the world, the contexts in which these varieties emerged, their status, and the educational and social issues that surround them. The pluricentrism is also captured in the eye-catching book title The English Languages MacArthur The ELC may be said to comprise all subtypes distinguishable according to some com- bination of their history, status, form and functions.

They arise from trade and other -- largely colonial -- forms of contact. English is the source of much of their vocabulary. For EFL speakers English plays a role for mainly inter-national rather than intra- national purposes. The trend towards globalisation in economics, communication and culture has made EFL prominent in places like China, Europe, Brazil, etc. There is, nevertheless, frequently a sense of continuity with the ancestral language s and culture s in the shifting commu- nity. Essentially, a language-shift English has at some crucial stage of its development involved adult and child L1 and second-language L2 speakers who formed one speech commu- nity.

A social dialect in contrast is typically conceived of as having only L1 speakers. Although sometimes given derogatory names, like Hinglish for the hybrid Hindi-English of north Indian cities, these hybrids may have prestige amongst urban youth and the young at heart in informal styles.

A sketch typology like the one we propose brings as much contro- versy as clarity. Many issues raised in the characterisation of the ELC are worthy of closer scrutiny and debate. Introduction: the English Language Complex 7 i is it really the case that jargons, pidgins, English Creoles and hybrids belong here?

A consideration of points such as these will sharpen our characterisa- tion of the ELC, and possibly open up new dimensions in the history of English. Baker ; Mufwene An analogy might help to make this more concrete. We also accept that the boundaries of terms are fuzzy, so that some Englishes may have overlapping memberships. As it is not possible to specify such a critical mass, this must be taken as a soft boundary. South Africa counts largely as an ESL rather than EFL ter- ritory, yet in the apartheid era, Black people were rigidly segregated from Whites with obvious consequences for the acquisition of English.

Although ESL was the general outcome of contact in South Africa, it is a moot question whether in some parts of the country English was till recently virtually a foreign language. This shows that the apartheid South African case is perhaps not all that special. It also shows the overlapping nature of the categories. A performance variety is one which does not have this backing and is reliant on ad hoc skills of communication that individuals may pick up via EFL education or via brief contacts with tourists, traders, etc.

Performance varieties include EFLs, jargons, rudimentary pidgins and so forth. This is not a term that is commonly used in the literature, where writers simply use the general label ESL. The L2 status of an immigrant English may change within a generation or more, if conditions promoting assimilation to a superstrate form of English exist. Special conditions like the intention to return to the homeland or a heightened sense of ethnicity may run counter to this tendency.

ESL is essentially an abbreviation for the acquisition of English under conditions of additive bilingualism Lambert , i. Finally -- regarding question iii -- there are indeed overlaps between a language-shift English and a social dialect. We leave it open whether language shift is reversible Fishman -- that is, in the above typology, if a language-shift English could revert to ESL, from being a social dialect under changing demographic or sociopolitical conditions.

An example of this process is the use of new kinship terms via borrow- ing or other forms of adaptation like calquing, to satisfy the needs of politeness or respect. These neologisms denote a closer rela- tionship than the superstrate forms cousin and aunt respectively. However, we would like to suggest that a distinction be drawn between the two terms. In this way the TL becomes part of the linguistic ecology of a particular area -- see Chapter 4 in relation to lexis.

EAL has the further advantage of not discriminating between a chronolog- ically second, third, etc. Indeed, current linguistics attaches little importance to whether an additional language is learnt as a second, or third or fourth, etc. In this usage, by virtue of excluding many of the categories set up in section 1.


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It also makes it possible to see New Englishes as less dissimilar from L1 varieties, in terms of their historical development. There may well have been cases of bilingual- ism as English gradually spread amongst the Celtic populace, though there is no clear textual evidence for this. There was also in all likeli- hood contact since AD 43 with Latin, which enjoyed prestige in British cities during the Roman period, and later, in the context of the Roman Catholic Church.

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In terms of our ELC typology the following phenomena are likely to have existed in the Old English period: regional dialects, ethnic dialects initially amongst the different Germanic tribes , social dialects pre- sumably between kings and lords as against the serfs and an incipient standard. The extent of Celtic--English bilingualism in this period is, as indicated above, unclear, and can best be described as incipient, unlike English--Norse bilingualism, which was more extensive.

However, in subsequent centuries gradual bilingualism and shift did occur. We may therefore speak of language-shift Englishes with Celtic or Scan- dinavian substrates in the post-Old English period. These would have involved a degree of ESL in generations prior to shift. The notion of EFL would not have made sense at the time Latin being the real language of status and power in Europe , and there is no evidence of pidgin and Creole Englishes in this period.

In the course of time there was convergence between the two languages, one assumes after a period of bilingualism, amongst segments of the populace see Crystal This convergence, admittedly, shows up much more in English than in Anglo-Norman. The radical differences between Old and Middle English has given rise to considerable debate over the reasons for this change. One line of reasoning holds that Middle English could be said to be a Creole Domingue ; Bailey and Maroldt , in so far as a former Ger- manic language emerged in the post-Conquest period as a Germanic-- Romance hybrid.

The on-going bilingualism made the contact situation fairly complex. This brought French of the nobility and English of their soldiers and retainers to Ireland. How- ever, English did not really spread in Ireland at this time; rather the colonisers became bilingual and eventually shifted to Irish. The standardisation of the pronunciation of English began in the sixteenth century but was not completed until the eighteenth Dobson ; Strang The growth of a stan- dard written and oral was a slow and unplanned event.


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  • English was after all -- like many vernacular languages of Europe -- still vying for status with French and Latin at the time. However, once the ideology of a standard see Milroy and Milroy came into force, and with the increasing role of print and much later radio broadcasting, Standard English has almost come to have a life and power of its own. However, as Crystal stresses, the technology and cultural practices of the post-modern era seem to support an opposing tendency towards decentralising the norms of English.

    In Ireland, English became entrenched in the seven- teenth century with new English migrations and economic control that displaced the Irish from three provinces. It is an important language in English studies for structural and histori- cal reasons. It furnishes us with a clear-cut example of a language- shift English, in which a host of substrate features has survived, some to become part of an informal standard.

    The imposition of English in Wales was begun in the Norman period in the twelfth century and was formalised by the Tudors in the six- teenth century. However, it was only in the nineteenth century that English really spread, with industrialisation and the immigration of English speakers. English in Scotland also has a two-pronged history. By the seventh century Northumbrian English was taken up north by the Anglo-Saxons, giving rise to Scots, an L1 variety.

    Applied linguistics World Englishes

    Scots was once a national language but after union with England in was reduced in status to a social and regional dialect of English. There are still vig- orous movements aimed at recognising and promoting it as a separate language. By contrast English in the Scottish Highlands started off as an L2, introduced from England around the middle of the eighteenth century, which gradually replaced Gaelic.

    In the last years voyages of exploration have taken European languages to all corners of the earth. US English has, of course, since undergone a substantial rise to occupy the position of co-standard with southern British English. The decline is in its potential sovereignty over a large territory, the USA. Helena and the Falklands. Colonies of exploitation frequently started off as trading outposts with small numbers of traders who did not have the intention of long-term settlement, as in parts of Africa and Asia. These colonies were typically appropriated in the second half of the nine- teenth century and expanded into exploitation colonies.

    A related factor is whether large-scale population displacements occurred, with the dispersal or decimation of indigenous peoples and the re-peopling of colonies with multilingual slave or inden- tured forms of labour. In these circumstances new Creole languages emerged, based only partly on the colonial language.

    Moreover, as happened in some Caribbean islands, an initial European settlement could be disrupted for one reason or another and move elsewhere or back to Europe. But their linguistic legacies could remain. In these countries English plays a role in administra- tion and education that is reminiscent of the colonies. As suggested earlier, there is a case for considering the English of these territories as intermediate between prototypical ESL and prototypical EFL.

    And English. This would have been a form of Elizabethan English. A regular trade in spices, ivory and slaves began in the mid s when British ships sailed along the Guinea coast Schmied European forts were built along the West African coast. The earliest form of a European language used there would have been pidgin Portuguese. As British supremacy in trade gradually grew, English became established. During this time West Africans were taken in small numbers to Europe to be trained as interpreters.

    An account in Hakluyt , Vol. It is of some importance linguistically that in Africa as elsewhere, the earli- est contacts between English speakers and the locals were informal and sporadic. There was no expectation of a permanent settlement or of colonisation and therefore formal education until centuries later.

    These would not nec- essarily be ephemeral: West African pidgin English whose roots lie in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is today more widespread in the Cameroons, Ghana and Nigeria than is English as a second lan- guage. Krio was the English Creole of slaves freed from Britain who were returned to Sierra Leone, where they were joined by slaves released from Nova Scotia and Jamaica.

    Liberia was established in as an African homeland for freed slaves from the USA. The Creole English that the returnees brought with them was most likely related to African American Vernacular English Hancock and Kobbah , cited by Todd Today, American rather than British forms of English continue to dominate in Liberia see Singler The history of English in the USA goes back to with the suc- cessful second expedition that established the colony of Jamestown in Virginia.

    US English developed out of both Standard British English of the time and a variety of dialects from the motherland; as well as from the ESL of settlers who later arrived from Europe. Our concern in this book is not the distinctiveness of American English; rather it is with the impact of English on other peoples of North America.

    The former arose gradually and took root from a variety of sources: a initial pidgins used in European--Indian contact, b on-reservation schools from the s, and more importantly, c off-reservation boarding schools set up for Tribes from onwards Leap The former expla- nation probably has more adherents see Rickford ; Singler ; though the latter view is being pursued by, inter alia, Poplack , and Poplack and Tagliamonte Introduction: the English Language Complex 19 cannot resolve here.

    However, because AAE has generally been studied within the frameworks of Creole studies, it will not feature as promi- nently in this book, where the main emphasis is on ESL.

    In the early seventeenth century English was also carried to the Caribbean, becoming a serious rival to the already established Por- tuguese and Spanish. Early settlements at St Kitts and Barba- dos initially established English dialects on the islands. With the growth of a plantation economy especially a sugar industry , the importation of African slaves resulted in the emergence of pidgins and Creoles based on English and African languages.

    It is still a matter of debate whether Creoles were formed anew on each island, or whether the early settlements formed the basis for the English-based Creoles. It is also debated whether Creoles necessarily evolved out of an earlier pidgin stage Baker ; Australia was settled in , and unlike the colonies in Africa and Asia the European settlers came to dominate numerically. As in the USA, the aboriginal population greatly declined in the aftermath of colonisation. A consequence of the social segregation and exclusion that followed is the eventual rise of a distinctive Aboriginal English.

    An alliance was formed with the British government in India in , resulting in Mombasa becoming a protectorate of the Crown. In West Africa local people had very little exposure to native speakers of English the mosquito has something to do with this , giving prominence to Pidgin English. South Africa followed a slightly different route, being intermedi- ate between the Australian and the Indian or East African outcomes. That is to say, the settlement was larger than in India and East Africa but not as numerically dominant as in Australia.

    What generalisations can be drawn from these different, yet not dissimilar, colonial histories? Where contact was via trading ships, rather than large-scale settlement, pidgins tended to arise. Where large-scale population displacement and mixing of speakers of differ- ent languages occurred as in slavery , pidgins or jargons gave rise to Creoles.

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    Under colonisation as a formal process involving govern- ment and administration, ESL varieties emerged. Some indigenous elites with a good education in English and with opportunities of contacts with administrators social networks, albeit of a restricted nature would use the colonial language like native speakers. It might be necessary to stress that sociolinguists do not attach any stigma to the development of one type of language over another. Whether speak- ers come up with a pidgin, EFL, ESL or ENL depends on factors such as the following: a the relative number of speakers of the different languages, including the TL; b the social relations between them; c the duration of the contact; and d educational opportunities in the TL.

    If the body that made the law, the legislative council, was the domain of the English language, the institutions charged with the enforcement of the law, like the police, the prisons and the army, were heavily dependent on the local lingua franca, Kiswahili. In the educational sphere this complementary relationship was espe- cially noticeable in primary education. English was associated with new knowledge, and sometimes came to be synonymous with aca- demic and technical knowledge. Local languages became associated with traditional culture and, in the education sphere, were consid- ered but a gateway to the acquisition of English.

    One reason for the hegemony of English is that it became a symbol of a new develop- ing elite in colonial times as well as a medium of the anti-colonial struggles. Some intellectuals were not ignorant of the contradictions of using a colonial language in the struggle for free- dom. On the whole, though, post-colonial move- ments have found it hard to shake off the use of the erstwhile colonial language. In the colonial linguistic market bilingualism involv- ing English and a major regional language e. The establishment of English in Singapore and Malaysia, described by Platt , is not atypical of the way the colonial linguistic habitus was formed: 1.

    The English-medium schools did not teach local languages. If any other language was taught at all, it was typically Latin. Headmasters and headmistresses, and often senior staff, were usually from Britain. Although most pupils were Chinese, there were also Indians and Eurasians. For almost all pupils, English was the only language in which they were literate. However, the presence of non-English--medium schools should not be ignored. Success in learning English within particular territories was not uni- form, but depended on circumstances. Broadly speaking it was posited that a purely instrumental motivation in learning a TL e.

    That is, it applies to immigrant Englishes rather than ESL in the way we differentiated them earlier. The colo- nial situation demands a bit more care, since the number of TL speak- ers was always small and shrank even further after decolonisation. This meant that motivation as con- ceived in the Gardner and Lambert model would always tend to the instrumental rather than the integrational.

    However, matters are not as simple as this. Firstly, learning English as an additional language conferred a new identity on learners: it signalled entry into a world of change and modernity, with emerging opportunities. Secondly, even if the initial impulse for learning English was largely instrumental, schooling sometimes fostered a new integrationism -- not with TL speakers, but amongst pupils of different linguistic backgrounds, espe- cially in urban centres. Given the association of English with the backing of empire, the value of education, the uses of literacy and the vocational market, it is not surprising that the ideology associated with the standard should come into force.

    In many colonies the number of locals with a mas- tery of English was generally much smaller than those still learning it. The hegemony of the standard allowed no other way of conceptualising the emergent Englishes; there was no way of romanticising them in the way that turned rural dialects in the UK into objects of preservation.

    Firth and M. Halliday in paying attention to the social contexts of post- colonial English. Although the formal age of empire has declined, the sun has not set on the English language. This time the spread of English has been due mainly to the power and prestige of the US economy, technol- ogy and culture of which Hollywood and American English are a vital part in the years following the Second World War. The phenomenon of globalisation has made English a part of the linguistic ecology of most nations. The demand for English outstrips the supply of native-speaker teachers and EFL is a major export industry for the metropolises.

    We call this the fourth crossing of English, this time involving the move- ment of the language via EFL materials, radio, television and the media generally rather than of large numbers of speakers from the metropolis, as was the case under colonialism. As Neville Alexander warns, if English seems unassailable, it often seems unattainable too.

    Once the informal empire of sailors, traders, adventurers and missionaries turned into a formal colony, educational and other agencies focused on the formal propagation of English. His main thesis is that, apart from the earliest period, the spread of English has not been left to chance; rather language teaching has played a major part in this success More money has been spent since then on consolidating the position of the language.

    The primary agent of propagation is undoubtedly the British Council, inaugurated in by the British Government, which funds it to popularise not just the language, but British liter- ature, arts, political philosophy and science.

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    World Englishes The Study Of New Linguistic Varieties Key Topics In Sociolinguistics

    A range of activities and opportunities followed -- such as the establishment of cultural cen- tres, anglophile societies, scholarships for study in Britain, support for British schools abroad, book donations and exhibitions, theatre per- formances and so forth His main concern is that policies of the British Council foster linguicism -- the devaluing and ultimate attenuation of the local lan- guages. For Phillipson the spread of English serves British interests: It may.

    Phillipson also cites the role of the World Bank and the IMF in emphasising English in the educational systems of developing countries to further the goals of national development. Phillipson and a host of other scholars e. Tollefson , Pennycook ; Heugh suggest that English-only or English-mainly educational policies are doomed to failure and serve only to widen the gap between the core and periphery in world politics, and the haves and have-nots within the periphery.

    Whilst being interested in the linguistic and sociolinguistic aspects of the spread of English, these scholars insist on placing English within its proper multicultural ethos. World Englishes scholars stress the multiple norms character- istic of English grammar and discourse relative to different contexts.

    The idea that the grammar of English emanates from the royal court of London has long been questioned in Linguistics and is being pushed to its limits in World English studies. Such critics would argue that power is less centralised than this in the modern world: that following Foucault , power is everywhere and unavoidable, it is not restricted to a few elites or political leaders. The desire amongst sociolinguists for a balance between propagating English or Englishes and being sensitive to the position of local languages and, by implication, cultures and economies is expressed in an anecdote by David Crystal, by no means a conspiracy theorist.

    Even a statement recognizing the value of competing linguistic standards is too much for some. I was a member of the panel which discussed English language issues at the. Afterwards, at the buffet, someone came up and asked me if my notion of linguistic tolerance of English diversity extended to such things as the errors foreigners made.

    I said it all depended on what you mean by an error. I am knowing, for example, is not allowed in traditional standard English, but it is normal in some parts of the world, such as the Indian subcontinent and also, incidentally, in some British dialects. Would you correct a Frenchman who said I am knowing, then, he asked? It all depends, I said. Not if he was learning Indian English. There was a pause. The next circle round the hub is made of regional stan- dards or standards that are emerging. Finally, the outer layer comprises localised varieties which may have similarities with the regional stan- dards or emerging standards.

    The model is neat, though -- not surprisingly -- it raises problems we have cited before. Some of the ENLs have a crystallised norm UK and USA , but others are ambivalent between a local endogenous versus an externally based exogenous standard -- e. South Africa and Australia. Also missing in this layer are the mul- titude of Englishes in Europe, which with the rise of the European Union EU are becoming more visible than they used to be see Cenoz and Jessner Finally, the outside layer includes pidgins, Creoles 5 In fairness to the organisation concerned we have omitted its name.

    Most scholars would argue that English pidgins and Creoles do not belong unambiguously to one family: rather they have overlapping multiple memberships. Some of these criticisms are met, not necessarily intentionally, in a model see Figure 1. Both exclude English varieties in Europe. Outside the circle are mixed varieties pidgins, Creoles and mixed lan- guages involving English , which we have argued are better charac- terised as having partial membership in the ELC.

    The Outer Circle comprises ESLs which have their own spoken norms but tend to rely on the Outer Circle for models of formal written English especially. The Expanding Circle comprises EFLs which have not developed internal norms and accord- ingly rely on external norms.

    Such nuances have led Bruthiaux to argue that the time has come for a less historical and a more synchronic model which recog- nises differences between English in different territories, according to criteria such as the following: a Geopolitical power and size of population e. Singapore vs Hong Kong c Administrative and public roles for English in certain territories, without formal colonisation e. Historical models can also be found for the historical development of World Englishes in the work of Moag and Schneider He argues that despite obvious differences, transplanted Englishes throughout the world were shaped by fundamentally uniform sociolinguistic and language-contact pro- cesses.

    Identity construction is a central part of this process, arising from mutual accommodation between indigenous populations and immigrant groups. Schneider outlines the following phases in the spread of English: Phase 1 -- Foundation: This is the initial stage of the introduction of English to a new territory over an extended period of time.

    The moti- vations may be trade or long-term settlement. Two linguistic processes are operative at this stage: a language contact between English and indigenous languages; b contact between different dialects of English of the settlers which eventually results in a new stable dialect a koine, see Trudgill At this stage bilingualism is marginal.

    A few mem- bers of the local populace may play an important role as interpreters, translators and guides. Phase 2 -- Exonormative stabilisation: At this stage the settler communi- ties tended to stabilise politically, under British rule. English increases in prominence and though the colloquial English is a colonial koine, the speakers look to England for their formal norms. Local vocab- ulary continues to be adopted.

    Bilingualism increases amongst the indigenous population through education and increased contacts with English settlers. Knowledge of English becomes an asset, and a new indigenous elite develops, based on, inter alia, contacts with settlers and knowledge of English.

    Nevertheless neologisms stabilise as English is made to adapt to local sociopolitical and cultural practices. By this time political events have made it clear that the settler and indigenous strands are inextricably bound in a sense of nationhood independent of Britain. Acceptance of local English es expresses this new identity. National dictionaries are enthu- siastically supported, at least for new lexis and not always for localised grammar. Coupled with the simple effects of time in effecting language change with the aid of social differentiation the new English koine starts to show greater differentiation.

    Schneider provides the following examples illustrating phases 2 to 5 he does not exemplify phase 1, though one can think of it in terms of EFL countries like China, where more than trade relations with the West have long been discouraged, though this has changed since the late twentieth century. Phase 2 example -- Fiji: Fiji was a British colony between and after which it became independent. The number of European resi- dents has never been large.

    The main population groups are the indige- nous Fijians and the Indian Fijians whose ancestors were brought from India by the British in the nineteenth and twenteeth centuries. Bilingualism is fairly widespread, though the motive to acquire English is currently instru- mental rather than integrative in terms of bringing local groups of people together. With political polarisation of the two main groups of the country, there is no attempt yet at a joint national identity that would probably require taking English beyond phase 2.

    Schnei- der argues that apart from vocabulary related to the local environ- ment and culture, and a few grammatical localisms, there is little nativisation. More particularly, Schneider cites its former politically stable status as a British Crown colony in Asia, an unchal- lenged exonormative orientation in language teaching and usage, the spread of elite bilingualism, the development of an identity among British representatives in an Asian outpost, and among the local Chi- nese as people with British cultural contacts and experience.

    The growth of Singapore follows the establishment of a trading post in , followed by large-scale importation of labourers, traders, trav- ellers and colonial agents. By the late nineteenth century a small British ruling class coexisted with British subjects of Chinese, Indian and Malay ancestry, resulting in a cultural blend of Europe and Asia.

    A decolonisation movement, which began in the s and s, saw the island gain independence in English is thus the common bond, but it has acquired a distinct local identity. As we shall see in Chapters 2 and 4, it is replete not just with local vocabulary but with a syntax that owes much to the home languages. In New Zealand this was the economic and political consequences of British entry into the European Union in , which left New Zealand bereft of its prime export market. Phase 4 followed, with the claim to homogeneity i. Schneider argues that the on-going birth of new dialects in these territories is the sign of their having reached the end of the cycle phase 5.

    Schneider intends his model to apply to all varieties of extraterri- torial and new Englishes. The model is interesting in that it does not differentiate between extraterrito- rial varieties and ESLs. It is a useful co-ordinated way of looking at the spread of English. But, again, there are several questions it raises. The conditions surrounding the installation of dominions seems quite different from that of colonies and protec- torates.

    This remains to be tested by cases other than those described by Schneider: it seems possible to us that a territory could move from phase 3 to 5, bypassing phase 4. This would be a territory in which English became nativised and sub- sequently differentiated into sub-dialects, without there being a com- monly accepted endonormative standard. These include fac- tors like elite formation. Traditionally a native speaker is assumed to be one who has learnt a language from birth without formal instruction. In some multilingual societies a child may be said to have several native lan- guages, with the order of acquisition not being an indicator of ability.


    • ISBN 13: 9780521797337.
    • World Englishes – Problems, Properties and Prospects.
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    • World Englishes : The Study of New Linguistic Varieties.
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    • For many New English speakers monolingual- ism is the marked case, a special case outside of the multilingual prototype. These codes are appropriate to different functions or criss- crossing of functions one can, e. In mathematical formulation Singh p. Some of these issues raised by the globalisation of English will be examined in greater detail 7 Of course, one could argue that native speakers of English do the same when talking to children or foreigners. In the next three chapters we will switch focus somewhat to examine the linguistic features of WEs, especially recurring features found in the Outer Circle, and ways of describing, analysing and understanding them.

      Further reading All works mentioned here are fully referenced in the bibliography. An updated and more detailed account of syntax and phonology of these varieties can be found in the Handbook of Varieties of English , Vol. I on phonol- ogy, ed. Schneider et al. II on morphology and syntax, ed. Kortmann et al. III is a CD Rom, with maps, phonetic examples and opportuni- ties for students and researchers to do their own interactive comparisons of individual features in different parts of the world.

      The main focus will fall upon their recurrent features, though some rarer constructions, limited to one or two varieties, will also be discussed where relevant. In Chap- ter 6 we examine the broader questions raised by these similarities and the attempts that have been made to tie them together within particu- lar analytic and theoretical frameworks. We begin with an excursus on methodology. This chapter, like the rest of the book, is reliant upon individual descriptions of World Englishes occurring in journals, monographs devoted to individual countries and overviews found in handbooks.

      Ideally, before linguistic generalisations can be made, we should be sure that we are comparing varieties and sub-varieties that are indeed comparable. It also means compar- ing appropriate subgroups of speakers, paying attention to differences between users still learning the local variety of English and those who are competent users who have already acquired it. Individual speakers were competent in not just one part of the continuum, but in a slice of it, which they deployed in appropriate contexts, taking into consideration contextual factors like the status of the interlocutor, the formality of the situation, the purpose of the communication, etc.

      Several commentators Platt, Weber and Ho ; Mesthrie a; Chew have argued for a similar situation in New Englishes, where speakers may be described as basilectal, mesolectal or acrolectal according to their norms in spontaneous speech. Wife: You bought cheese, Farouk? Comparative work should ideally not mix spoken and written data. Unfortunately individual case studies do not always adhere to this desideratum.

      However, writing has its own conventions, some of which have little connection with features of speech. Moreover, we rarely have information on the editing process accompanying the written efforts cited. The work of creative writers particularly needs to be cited with care, as they are usually concerned with creating a general effect via language, rather than using constructions with sociolinguistic verac- ity. Even the best intentioned authors may be susceptible to linguistic stereotyping. That one useless skinny-skinny chicken. Not enough on it for one good breast. Data gathered from large samples of actual speech Mesthrie a show a con- straint against the use of reduplication in this context.

      Reduplication is largely distributive, with a slight connotation of pejoration or exag- geration the connotation is captured by the author, but not the gram- mar. Literary effects within New Englishes are covered in Chapter 5. This is not to suggest that written data are unimportant: for earlier periods concerning the genesis of New Englishes written data may be all that analysts have to go on, and can provide valuable snippets of information for the linguist.

      And, obviously, for educational and literacy studies of World Englishes, student writing and revisions are the core material of analysis. For contemporary studies, though, spoken data are a sine qua non, which should ideally be gathered along principles well established in Variationist Sociolinguistics.

      These should stress the topics of a controversial, but not taboo, nature that elicit extended con- versation. Some successful studies within the WE paradigm have indeed utilised this methodol- ogy Mesthrie a; Ho and Platt ; Sharma b. There is an important caveat, however, since the aim of urban dialectology is to study the vernacular, i.

      The obvious question is whether the same techniques should apply to WEs which are not generally L1s and which are seldom appropri- ate in the most informal local context. A related question is whether speakers should use only English in a WE interview. Bilin- gual behaviour including mixing and switching should be encouraged where natural and expected. On the other hand, an interviewer who is an outsider may well elicit only English conversation. As such Corpus Linguistics is an important complement to, and ally of, WE studies. The data we draw on in this chapter do not always meet the ideal requirements we would like for comparative sociolinguistics.

      Furthermore, in this metalinguistic function it does not matter whether the standard is based on British or Ameri- can norms. Of course there are differences in detail between the two standards, but they do not impact much upon the issues raised in this book. In practice the meanings given represent a widely understood and accepted written international English norm.

      More theoretical generalisations are made in Chapter 6. We include prototypical varieties like Indian or Nigerian English, which are largely L2s in countries having few L1 speakers of British English left. We also include vari- eties which have recently undergone language shift IndSAf Eng or are in the process of doing so like Sgp Eng. More relevantly, its origins are, in fact, as an L2, under a kind of internal colonisation described in Chapter 1.

      We suggest that it could equally be treated as Outer Circle see its intermediate status, described in section 1. Ir Eng offers history and an exactitude of knowledge and linguistic detail that few other varieties of non-standard English can claim. For this reason we have excluded the well- studied African American English variety, which many but not all scholars take to have a Creole ancestry. Likewise, Aboriginal English appears to have derived from pre-existing pidgins of the country, espe- cially New South Wales pidgin Malcolm While it is tempting to describe such features in this chapter, on the whole it makes greater sense to characterise them from the perspective of Cre- ole studies which Malcolm in fact does.

      For different reasons Expand- ing Circle Englishes or EFL varieties are not generally discussed in this chapter, except to show their difference from prototypical Outer Circle varieties. This is so since EFLs do not typically display a focus- ing of linguistic features on the notions of focusing and diffusion see Le Page and Tabouret-Keller Such varieties are discussed in Chapter 7 in connection with the sociolinguistic issues relating to their use.

      Only occasionally do we draw on varieties outside this pool. Thus, it is speculated that the counting system of French comes not directly from its ancestor, Latin, but from a Celtic language or languages no longer spoken in France Fox and Wood For example, the relevant substrate languages in Singapore are Chinese, Malay and Tamil, which are still used to varying degrees. The superstrate language in WE studies, rather obviously, is English.

      Since English varies enormously over space e. We mentioned Irish English in this regard in section 1. All L1 speakers make mistakes sometimes -- these are usually slips of the tongue. L2 speakers in addition may use a form that reveals their uncertainty about the rules of the TL or the version of the TL as devel- oped by more competent L2 speakers of their variety. We know of no such sub-variety. Hypercorrections at an individual level also count as mistakes.

      As in L1 usage, hypercorrections usually arise when some speakers try and correct a regular feature of their dialect because they perceive it to be unprestigious, but in so doing do not necessarily attain the prestige form aimed at. An example of such qualitative hypercorrection occurs in Ind- SAf Eng, where a regular construction attracts the copula be to the wh-word as in 2a in contrast to the Std Eng form 2b.

      At an individual level this counts as a mistake, as it is not characteristic of the dialect concerned. This is not currently the case in IndSAf Eng. Thus the form theses i. The latter term can be misconstrued psychologically and already seems to have run afoul of semantic derogation. Some features are indeed historical errors, in that they show incomplete application of a superstrate rule. But, as we suggest in this chapter and the next, not all features of New Englishes are like this: a They may be dialect features of the superstrate, which have sur- vived despite the norms of classroom English -- e.

      Platt, Weber and Ho provide the following examples from Sgp Eng: 3. I want to buy bag. Here got one stall selling soup noodles. I didn t buy the dress, lah.

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      Traditional prescriptive analysis would view the use of the article in the above sentences as unsystematic and evidence of a failure to master the TL system. We believe its existence in India to be an independent devel- opment, however. The more familiar the NP or the more obvious from being previously mentioned or other discourse cues, the more likely it is to be omitted.

      Platt, Weber and Ho attempt to explain the variation as a competition between two systems in WEs, since the latter is taught at school. This is obviously a testable hypothesis. Data from early learners of a WE suggest that learners use a non-superstrate sys- tem early on; and that the superstrate system gradually emerges; ini- tially in competition with the non-superstrate system. They argue that article use by Korean ESL learners is neither random nor due to L1 transfer effects, but is in fact sensitive to UG- provided semantic universals.

      The role of the substrate is relevant to discussions of article usage: indeed many but not all of the substrate languages concerned do not use articles. Languages such as Hindi, Chinese and Zulu compen- sate for the absence of the superstrate category of article by use of context and by strategies such as topicalisation or the strategic use of demonstratives see Leap for American Indian languages; Platt, Weber and Ho for Singaporean languages.

      However, as with the study by Ionin, Ko and Wexler cited above, it is becoming clear that few WEs are tied down by the stranglehold of their substrates. Sand uses evidence from the International Cor- pus of English to provide a nuanced, quantitatively robust, comparative analysis of article use in New Englishes. The food is more important than the art. Do you like the big dogs? Suggested reading Show Required reading list. Cambridge: CUP. Jenkins, J. London: Routledge. Kirkpatrick, A. Bernard Spolsky.

      John Edwards. Jan Blommaert. Nikolas Coupland. Anne Pauwels. Natalie Schilling. Rajend Mesthrie. Sali A. Richard J. Lisa Lim. Monika S. Carmen Fought. Florian Coulmas. Home Contact us Help Free delivery worldwide. Free delivery worldwide. Bestselling Series. Harry Potter. Popular Features. New Releases. Description The spread of English around the world has been and continues to be both rapid and unpredictable. World Englishes: The Study of New Linguistic Varieties deals with this inescapable result of colonisation and globalisation from a social and linguistic perspective.

      The main focus of the book is on the second-language varieties of English that have developed in the former British colonies of East and West Africa, the Caribbean, South and South-East Asia. The book provides a historical overview of the common circumstances that gave rise to these varieties, and a detailed account of their recurrent similarities in structure, patterns of usage, vocabulary and accents.